The French Revolution challenged political, social and cultural norms in European society. "[29] A disillusioned ex-Communist, he published his La Révolution Française in 1965–66. Hobsbawm sees the revolution in France, as well as subsequent revolutions on the European continent, as ‘dual revolutions’, where the demand for political change came on top of rapid industrial and economic changes. The premier journal of gender history in France, Clio. Some other influential French historians of this period: Some of the significant conservative French historians of this period include: The following five scholars have served as Chairs in the History of the French Revolution at the Sorbonne: "Revisionism" in this context means the rejection of the Orthodox/Marxist model of a revolution carried out by the bourgeoisie against the aristocracy on the right, with intervention from the proletariat pushing it to the left. 1985); Christine Fauré, “La prise de parole publique des femmes,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française 344 (2006). Lindsay A. H. Parker, Writing the Revolution: A French Woman’s History in Letters (NY, 2013); Cf. [6] It was less appreciated by British critics, in large part because of his favorable view of the French Revolution and of Napoleon Bonaparte. On the historiography of the French Revolution, see P. Farmer, France Reviews Its Revolutionary Origins (1944, repr. Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France was a response to revolutionary events that was conservative and skeptical, mostly condemning the revolution as a pointless excess. The coeditors—Africanist Pascale Barthélémy and classicist Violaine Sebillotte-Cuchet—observe, “Today it is no longer a question of ONE citizenship but of citizenships in the plural, political but also social, economic, and cultural.” They suggest that “social citizenship” includes access to social rights but also refers to “engagements, mobilizations, forms of resistance, arts de faire.” Beyond its “juridical dimension,” social citizenship “should be understood as the ‘subjective experience of political engagements.’”14 In other words, like some gender historians of the Revolution, they broaden the analysis of “citizenship” as a concept by widening the lens beyond legal demarcations of citizenship from above and by asking how actors themselves define it from below in word and action. Prof. Influenced by socialist politician Jean Jaurès and historian Albert Mathiez (who broke with his teacher Aulard regarding class conflict), historians on the left led by Georges Lefebvre and Albert Soboul developed this view. The historiography of the French Revolution stretches back over two hundred years, as commentators and historians have sought to answer questions regarding the origins of the Revolution, and its meaning and effects. She also theorizes prostitutes’ interactions with the state as “diminished citizens.” When the Directory imprisoned prostitutes, they responded by tapping into official, judicial language to demand justice not as citizens with full political rights but rather as citoyennes with droits à la cité. It condemned Marat, Robespierre and the other radical leaders, and also condemned the monarchy, aristocracy and clergy for their inability to change. Another historian working in this tradition is Keith Michael Baker. [1][2] Nevertheless, there persists a very widespread agreement to the effect that the French Revolution was the watershed between the premodern and modern eras of Western history. A collection of his essays (Inventing the French Revolution, 1990) examines the ideological origins of the Revolution. Academics in Historiography of the French Revolution - Academia.edu View Academics in Historiography of the French Revolution on Academia.edu. history writing for neoliberal times” and for a “globalizing present.”10, But other politics are also at play. Alain Corbin et al., trans. Journal of the History of Ideas 79.2 (2018): 221-242. John McManners, Jean Egret, Franklin Ford and others wrote on the divided and complex situation of the nobility in pre-revolutionary France. A simplified description of the liberal approach to the Revolution was typically to support the achievements of the constitutional monarchy of the National Assembly but disown the later actions of radical violence like the invasion of the Tuileries and the Terror. In the summer of 1793, a male slave could achieve emancipation and manhood via joining the Republican army, but a woman had to marry to win her freedom. This Marxist interpretation is shown to be invalid by the research of the past several decades. Decolonization Featured Book Historiography Intellectual History Middle Eastern History. The complete work of ten volumes sold ten thousand sets, an enormous number for the time. Her major works include Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution (1984), and The Family Romance of the French Revolution (1992), both interpretative works. Dominique Godineau, “De la guerrière à la citoyenne. The Secret History. Colwill, “Freedwomen’s Familial Politics”; Rebecca J. Scott and Jean M. Hébrard, Freedom Papers: An Atlantic Odyssey in the Age of Emancipation (Cambridge, MA, 2012); Jennifer L. Palmer, Intimate Bonds: Family and Slavery in the French Atlantic (Philadelphia, 2016). Her first book, The Politics of Virtue in J. Kim, Minchul. In a coauthored book, she and Denise Davidson use family letters to ask how this conjugal dynamic operated in practice and to probe what Mazeau and Plumauzille highlighted: revolutionary challenges to the gender dynamics of couples that no one especially sought out or anticipated. His massive and reputation-making thesis, Les paysans du Nord (1924), was an account of the Revolution among provincial peasants. Jennifer Heuer and Anne Verjus, “L’invention de la sphère domestique au sortir de la Révolution,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française (2002): 1–28. For a thought-provoking, art-historical take, see Ewa Lajer-Burcharth, Necklines: The Art of Jacques-Louis David after the Terror (New Haven, CT, 1999). Her move dovetailed with Napoleonic changes in family law that curtailed women’s civil rights and arguably forwarded the growth of domesticity.17, Although there does not seem to be much recent work on gender and the counterrevolution, Guillaume Mazeau has explored how the act of a single woman, Charlotte Corday, helped to polarize the Revolution by embodying and accentuating the opposition between “revolution” and “counterrevolution,” as imagined both in 1793 and later. later, in 1964, he summed up that case in his brilliant essay on The. In France, conspiracy theories were rife in the highly charged political atmosphere, with the Abbé Barruel, in perhaps the most influential work Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism (1797–1798), arguing that Freemasons and other dissidents had been responsible for an attempt to destroy the monarchy and the Catholic Church. Academia.edu is a platform for academics to share research papers. There were many causes in the 1780s that led to the French Revolution, the … Schama’s approach to writing history, along with hi… A propos des femmes soldats de la Révolution et de l’Empire,” Politix 74 (2006): 31–48. Eliane Viennot, Et la modernité fut masculine (Paris, 2016) argues that the Revolution produced a decline in women’s Old Regime public power and emphasizes their formal exclusion from the public sphere as laying the cornerstone for a modernity ruled over by men. But by and large, they were more interested in using the new civil records to guarantee the legal status of their children than in following these new marriage models. One of the more successful narrative accounts was Citizens by British historian Simon Schama. Chapter 1.1.I. And, on this issue of exploring masculine and feminine ideals in tandem, the complex social politics of Thermidor and the Directory seem to be crying out for synthetic analysis. Looking at modern French Communism he stressed the close resemblance between the 1960s and 1790s, with both favoring the inflexible and rote ideological discourse in party cells where decisions were made unanimously in a manipulated direct democracy. [27] In the latter study she works with a somewhat Freudian interpretation, the political Revolution as a whole being seen as an enormous dysfunctional family haunted by patricide: Louis as father, Marie-Antoinette as mother, and the revolutionaries as an unruly mob of brothers. Existing scholarship has often focused on the family, or on artistic and literary approaches to the incroyables,26 but it is striking that new work on the political dynamics and legacy of these periods, as discussed by Paul Hanson in this forum, has by and large not made gender analysis integral to its debates. Political Cause 2. [3], The literature in French is vast, and in English quite substantial. The views of historians, in particular, have been characterised as falling along ideological lines, with disagreement over the significance and the major developments of the Revolution. He recognized the complications that prevented the Revolution from fulfilling all its ideal promises – as when the legislators of 1793 made suffrage universal for all French men, but also established the dictatorship of the Terror.[16]. Political Cause: During the eighteen the Century France was the centre of autocratic monarchy. Academie Francaise, French literary academy, consisting of 40 members, established in 1634 by Cardinal Richelieu. Verjus and Davidson reveal husbands and wives developing a striking amount of team work.22, Similar questions have arisen in gender scholarship on Saint-Domingue. Furet in the 1960s worked in terms of the Annales School, which locates the 1789 revolution in a "long" history of 19th century revolutionary France. It is a romantic work, both in style and viewpoint. It is the oldest of the five académies of the institute. 1. It went through four more editions. Annie Duprat has just published an edited volume of Jullien’s letters. Suppressed in 1793 during the French Revolution, it was restored as a division of the Institut de France in 1803 by Napoleon Bonaparte. This interpretation sees a rising capitalist middle-class overthrow a dying-out feudal aristocratic ruling caste, and held the field for almost twenty years. Although this scholarship continues to probe gender construction and limitations, it also frequently spotlights gender creativity as all kinds of women play with revolutionary ideology and gender norms and, in many of these interpretations, stake out new definitions of citizenship. Chroniques de la vie familiale à l’époque de la Révolution et de l’Empire (Paris, 2011). The former focuses on the creation of a new democratic political culture from scratch, assigning the Revolution's greatest meaning here, in a political culture. Andrew Cayton, Love in the Time of Revolution: Transatlantic Literary Radicalism and Historical Change, 1793–1818 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2013); Polasky, Revolutions without Borders. Paul H. Beik, foreword to Georges Lefebvre, Michael Scott Christofferson, "François Furet between History and Journalism, 1958–1965. Marisa Linton, Kingston University, London, History Department, Faculty Member. Aulard's famous four volume history of the Revolution focused on technical issues. Tackett also has several works focusing on Reign of Terror, The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution (2015), and the psychology behind the paranoia affecting the Committee of Public Safety during the Terror. Une histoire politique des hommes et des femmes à l’époque révolutionnaire (Paris, 2010). Schama concentrates on the early years of the Revolution, the Republic only taking up about a fifth of the book. 2011), 303–24; Brian Joseph Martin, Napoleonic Friendship: Military Fraternity, Intimacy, and Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century France (Lebanon, 2011); Michael J. Hughes, Forging Napoleon’s Grande Armée: Motivation, Military Culture, and Masculinity in the French Army, 1800–1808 (New York, 2012), quote 109. In addition, researchers seek to put revolutionary scholarship in dialogue with other au courant fields, such as the history of sexuality, capitalism, or the culture of war. Alan Forrest, Karen Hagemann, and Jane Rendall (Basingstoke, UK, 2009), 77–95; Thomas Cardoza, Intrepid Women: Cantinières and Vivandières of the French Army (Bloomington, IN, 2010); Pauline Moszkowski-Ouargli, Citoyennes des champs. (Paris, 2017); Clyde Marlo Plumauzille, Prostitution et Révolution. On integrating gender into world history, see Antoinette Burton, A Primer for Teaching World History: Ten Design Principles (Durham, NC, 2011), Chapter 3. Some scholars are taking part in a broader move toward theorizing the category of “citizenship” in wider and more nuanced ways. Alphonse Aulard (1849–1928) was the first professional historian of the Revolution; he promoted graduate studies, scholarly editions, and learned journals. Pour une anthropologie politique de la Révolution française (Paris, 2013). Start studying Historiography of the French Revolution. ADVERTISEMENTS: Causes of French Revolution: Political, Social and Economic Causes! One well-known interpretation of the Revolution is the Marxist interpretation. It marked his transition from revolutionary leftist politics to liberal Left-center position, and reflected his ties to the social-science-oriented Annales School. Timothy Tackett, The Coming of the Terror in the French Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 2015); Marisa Linton, Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship, and Authenticity in the French Revolution (Oxford, 2013); Haïm Burstin, Révolutionnaires. 'One's stance on the French Revolution inevitably reveals much about one's deepest ideological and political convictions'. Femmes, Genre, Histoire 20 (2004): 1–16, quote 12. This scholarship often encompasses both the revolutionary and Napoleonic eras. [5], Thiers' history of the Revolution was praised by the French authors Chateaubriand, Stendhal et Sainte-Beuve, was translated into English (1838) and Spanish (1889), and won him a seat in the Académie française in 1834. 1 Historians have always been aware of widespread resistance to the Revolution. 1 Gary Kates' comment, in his introduction to this collection of essays on the 1789 French Revolution, is certainly correct-though his claim is true of other great revolutions too. A. Goldhammer, 1989). Guillaume Mazeau et Clyde Marlo Plumauzille, “Penser avec le genre: Trouble dans la citoyenneté révolutionnaire,” La Révolution française. Sole, Jacques. Denise Davidson, for example, has situated and examined the writings of gender theorists, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, Olympe de Gouges, and the Marquis de Condorcet, within a larger international dialogue and shown how feminism and abolitionism were linked in France.25. "Historiography of the French Revolution," in Michael Bentley, ed. For the revolutionary era, she ascertains that when soldiers (or their relatives) petitioned for emancipation from military service, they posited that men could fill their masculine duties as citizens in nonmilitary ways: “civic usefulness, familial responsibility and sensitivity to others’ suffering” could be just as important as soldiering. Annie Duprat has just published an edited volume of Jullien’s letters. From 1886 he taught at the Sorbonne, trained advanced students, founded the Société de l'Histoire de la Révolution, and edited the scholarly journal La Révolution française. Take as an example Lindsay Parker’s biography of a Jacobin wife, Rosalie Jullien. In her book on race and intimacy among mixed race families in Old Regime La Rochelle and Saint-Domingue, Jennifer Palmer shows how the family could become a site for contesting racial hierarchy or reshaping it in surprising ways, especially in the metropole. Caroline Fayolle, La femme nouvelle. The Académie was officially established in 1635 by Cardinal Richelieu, the chief minister to King Louis XIII. [28], François Furet (1927–1997) was the leading figure in the rejection of the "classic" or "Marxist" interpretation. A strong vein of new work investigates manhood within homosocial worlds, notably within the military, building on new approaches to the cultural history of war. For Martin, professionalizing the army entailed masculinizing it. The book played a notable role in undermining the legitimacy of the Bourbon regime of Charles X, and bringing about the July Revolution of 1830. American historian George V. Taylor's research established that the bourgeoisie of the Third Estate were not quite the budding capitalists they were made out to be; indeed Taylor showed the aristocrats were just as entrepreneurial if not more so. Publishing and Cultural Politics in Revolutionary Paris, 1789-1810(Berkeley: UC Press, 1991). He cites heavy use of the Internet, resources such as the H-France daily discussion email list,[20] and use of digital sources to scan through massive amounts of text. For Verjus, new family ideals of conjugalism and a softer form of paternalism redefined the male paterfamilias as a gentler but still potent force within the couple, the household, society, and state. Ideal Masculinity and Male Sociability in the French Revolution, 1789–1799,” in French Masculinities: History, Culture, and Politics, ed. The most significant opposition to arise in France was that of Annales historians François Furet, Denis Richet, and Mona Ozouf. Thus Schama is simultaneously able to deny the existence of a so-called "bourgeois" revolution, reserve apotheoses for Robespierre, Louis XVI, and the sans-culottes alike, and utilize historical nuance to a degree usually associated with more liberal historians. He took the lead in training advanced students in the proper use and analysis of primary sources. On March 4 2011, the French historian Reynald Secher discovered documents in the National Archives in Paris confirming what he had known since the early 1980s: there had been a genocide during the French Revolution. In 1793, some female slaves married recently freed men to win emancipation. Keith Cohen (New York, 2016, orig. French Revolution, the adoption of different historiographical perspectives has had a major impact on how they understand it. The French Monarchs had unlimited power and they declared themselves as […] Katie Jarvis, for example, proposes that Parisian market women staked their citizenship claims not on the idea that women as women deserved rights but rather on the notion that as food-retailers they were performing useful work, enacting a form of “economic citizenship” on the road to capitalism. “The Continuing Controversy over the Etiology and Nature of the French Revolution.”Canadian Journal of History 16 (December 1981): 357–378. Another seminal figure in the revisionism debate is the Francophile Englishman Richard Cobb, who has produced a number of immensely detailed studies of both provincial and city life, avoiding the revisionism debate by "keeping his nose very close to the ground". “‘Red of Tooth and Claw’: The French Revolution and the Political Process—Then and Now.”, Walton, Charles. The lecture was later published as "The Myth of the French Revolution", but his seminal work arguing this point was The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution (1963). Why this move toward analyzing women as actors? This, and particularly his later work on Napoleon and the Directory, remains highly regarded.[18]. Historians disagree on the relationship between the military and male-on-male affinity or male sexuality. However, there was not just one cause that led to this war. 1 (2016): 3–36, quotes on 24–25, 21. On the most basic level, this young field, informed by much subtler thinking about gender as culturally constructed, is expanding its knowledge about understudied groups of women. As citizen-workers, they pressured the state for access to market stalls or a fairer form of price controls. La démocratie exclusive et la différence des sexes (Aix-en-Provence, 1989); Joan Wallach Scott, Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge, MA, 1996). "The outcome of 'our' French Revolution was very different from what actually happened in the 18th century, but at the end of the game, students had to reflect on their experience and write a paper describing and analyzing why what happened in our role-playing game would have been unlikely, if not impossible, in the 18th century. Others share Plumauzille’s goal of broadening the category of citizenship and deepening its layers. The move seems to be: acknowledge limits on political citizenship but then ask what kind of citizenship claims women did wield. Bolden 9 His other major work is When the King Took Flight (2004), a study of the rise of republicanism and radicalism in the Legislative Assembly in 1791/2. The book's allegiance is to historical literary styles rather than schools. Placing On Revolution in the historiography of the French and American Revolutions. Lefebvre was inspired by Jaurès and came to the field from a mildly socialist viewpoint. [24], Simon Schama's Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution (1989) is a popular, generally moderate/conservative history of the period. This view sees the French Revolution as an essentially 'bourgeois' revolution, marked by class struggle and resulting in a victory of the bourgeoisie. The Other Enlightenment: How French Women Became Modern(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). The French Revolution was a huge event in European history, one that shaped the way the French government worked forever. Karen Hagemann, Gisela Mettele, and Jane Rendall (Basingstoke, UK, 2010), 93–109. Elizabeth Amman, Dandyism in the Age of Revolution: The Art of the Cut (Chicago, 2015). By the year 2000, many historians were saying that the field of the French Revolution was in intellectual disarray. Although dismissed and attacked by the mainstream journals at first, Cobban was persistent and determined, and his approach was soon supported and modified by a flood of new research both inside and outside France. He emphasized public opinion, elections, parties, parliamentary majorities, and legislation. Historians are also asking, how did individual women or subgroups of women demonstrate creativity, even as revolutionary elites often sought to reinforce the lines of male-female difference? 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